Calling up memories of the past in the name of politics-sometimes called historical politics-arouses well-justified concerns because politics does not support historical truth or care for the very notion of truth. When, 25 years after the establishment of Solidarity, an attempt has been made in Poland and Europe to commemorate this anniversary on a grand scale, the objective is to speak for the truth. The developments which took place 25 years ago are unknown to people around the world or even in Poland.

The postwar history of "the other Europe" was marked by outbreaks of anger and despair: in 1953-Berlin, in 1956-Budapest, in 1968-Prague, in 1970-on the Baltic Coast, in 1976-Radom and Ursus. Each of these developments took a toll in blood and tears; some led to the relaxation of the fetters of violence, but usually only temporarily. In 1980, for the first time in the communist system, the authoritarian regime felt compelled to negotiate with the people and then to conclude an unprecedented social contract. Polish workers stood up to demand bread and freedom-and received some bread and some freedom.

The famous 21 Demands put forward by the Gdańsk shipyard workers in August 1980 included a call for the establishment of an independent trade union, something that seemed unachievable. How could one expect the system, which proudly called itself a dictatorship, to approve of the existence of an independent social organization? How could one expect authorities who called themselves the workers' vanguard to recognize that workers had the right to form an organization in order to defend themselves against those very authorities.

After the signature of the Gdańsk Agreement of Aug. 31, 1980, a large trade union was established uniting 10 million people representing all occupations, both white-collar and blue-collar workers (farmers established their own organization). The name of the trade union revealed its main program: Solidarity. This was so because the union grew from a conviction that actions based on solidarity were the only possible way to successfully oppose the totalitarian system. It was a response to the words of the Polish pope "Do not fear" and the union's every activity was based on the principle of non-violence.

This bizarre trade union, with the largest membership on the European continent, was in existence for 500 days. It combined the demand for bread with the demand for freedom and did not hesitate to call for deep economic reforms to make sure that there would be something to share. This unique, spontaneous and responsible movement was admired by the world. Plans appeared to reform trade unions along Solidarity patterns. Polish Solidarity established cooperation ties with all political families of trade unions in Western Europe-in France and Italy, even communist trade unions sought cooperation with Solidarity. There were plans to create a new trade union movement around Polish Solidarity and its leader Lech Wałęsa. Fascination with the Polish phenomenon of a "self-limiting revolution" was intense in Europe and worldwide.

On Dec. 13, 1981 armed forces, tanks and guns were sent against this peaceful movement: martial law was declared in Poland to suppress Solidarity. But prisons and persecution were unable to kill the spirit of solidarity. This peaceful trade union continued to exist as a clandestine organization-tens of thousands of people were involved in underground activities and supported by millions. Fascination with Poland continued in Europe and America and millions of people across the world wore the Solidarity emblem as a sign of support of the victimized Poles. The example of peaceful and effective opposition set by Polish Solidarity was present in South Africa in the fight against Apartheid and for freedom and in Brazil, where folk leader Lula, now president of the country, was called the "Brazilian Wałęsa."

The Polish movement represented the sowing of freedom-it initiated the liberation of "the other Europe." Round-table negotiations in Warsaw and Budapest, the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia and the fall of the Berlin Wall all resulted from this sowing. The end of the Cold War, the reunification of Germany and European integration were rooted in the courage, determination and imagination of ordinary people rather than by diplomatic negotiations or the arms race.

In its search for identity, Europe needs a story about its own fundamental value-human dignity and human innate freedom. In this narrative of European liberty, Polish Solidarity can and should take a special place.

The celebrations of the 25th anniversary of Solidarity should serve this objective. Anniversary ceremonies, under the patronage of the Honorary Committee headed by Lech Wałęsa, will be held throughout the country, particularly in Gdańsk and Warsaw. An international conference, to be attended by hundreds, will first meet in Warsaw Aug. 29 and 30 and then move to Gdańsk, alongside a conference of the National Remembrance Institute, for a gala session on Aug. 31 with the participation of foreign state delegations. A Holy Mass will be celebrated on Solidarnoaci Square. The act establishing the European Solidarity Center will be signed in the afternoon. The debate will be attended by the highest Polish authorities and state delegations from many countries.

Anniversary celebrations will also be held in many European capitals.

Under a resolution of July 27, 2005, the Polish parliament declared August 31 "a day of freedom and solidarity." The U.S. Congress paid tribute to Polish Solidarity with a special resolution adopted July 18, 2005. Let us hope that Europe and the international community will recognize that Solidarity deserves to occupy a place in the world's memory.

Bronisław Geremek
Bronisław Geremek, 73, historian, politician, member of the European Parliament. In August 1980, an adviser to the Strike Committee at Gdańsk Shipyard and then to the Solidarity trade union. Interned in 1981, imprisoned in 1983. One of the architects of the 1989 round-table agreement. Co-founder and activist of the Civic Movement Democratic Campaign, then Democratic Union and Freedom Union leader. In 1989-2001, Sejm deputy, from 1997-2000, minister of foreign affairs in the Jerzy Buzek government. In 1998, he took part in missions to Kosovo as the head of the OSCE. Professor at the History Institute of the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN).