By Marcin Mierzejewski
16 February 2005

Who is responsible for World War II death camps—the Nazis, Germans, or maybe Poles? The facts are clear, yet many international media sources consistently use the phrase “Polish concentration camps,” thus falsifying history.

While reporting on the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Konzentrationslager (KL) Auschwitz-Birkenau, New York Times correspondent Craig S. Smith wrote Jan. 27, “The commemoration means different things to each nation: for Russia it is a commemoration of its often-overlooked role as liberator, while for Poland and other Central European countries it is both part of a gradual recognition of their complicity in the killing and an opportunity to draw closer to Europe. Poland and several other former Soviet bloc countries joined the European Union last year and the rest are waiting to join.”

■ Politically incorrect truth
At the same time, Polish deputies in the European Parliament had to fight a real battle over the text of the anniversary resolution. During the discussion on the text, the Polish proposal to clearly identify the perpetrators of genocide at Auschwitz-Birkenau by using the phrase “Nazi Germany” or “German Nazism” initially encountered strong resistance from Euro-Socialists and Euro-Liberals.

Meanwhile, the phrase “Nazi death camps” is only a half-truth. The Nazis—members of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), were not only Germans, but also represented the authorities of the German state at the time. After the war, that state acknowledged its responsibility for starting the war and its outcome, including the Holocaust. However, for some this seems to be a conveniently forgettable fact.

Another heated debate in the European parliament concerned the sequence in which the resolution listed the nations and ethnic and sexual minorities imprisoned and murdered in Auschwitz, Birkenau, and more than 40 sub-camps. Polish deputies opposed placing the Poles, the first prisoners in Auschwitz, in last place on the list after homosexuals—a proposal ardently supported by deputies from ALDE (liberals and democrats) and some German Socialists.

Poles’ persistence in Strasbourg paid off—in the end, both issues in the EP resolution were brought closer to the historical truth. However, Polish backing for a change in the sequence on the list of victims was indirectly criticized by Bundestag head Wolfgang Thierse. “All the victims are equally worth Europe’s homage and the sequence has no significance here,” said Thierse. Notably, in its resolution passed on the same occasion, the Bundestag did not mention Poles among the camp’s victims at all. Was this just an oversight?

■ Who’s responsible?
The notion of “Polish concentration camps” has existed in the international media for years, becoming rooted in the awareness and language of many people. The argument that this is “a geographic description” does not help, since most people who use this phrase probably have a rather vague idea of the history of World War II and many may understand the phrase “Polish camps” literally—as camps built and run by Poles.

It would be interesting to find out, for example, what percentage of NYT readers knows that in the early period of Auschwitz’s operation in 1940, German occupational authorities designed it as a place for “particularly dangerous” Poles—in other words the elite, including political, social and spiritual leaders of the nation, the intelligentsia, representatives of the cultural and scientific communities and members of the resistance movement. Only later did the Nazi regime implement a plan to include prisoners from other occupied countries. In 1942, KL Auschwitz began performing its second function—that of an extermination center for European Jews.

■ Punishment for lies
A recent example of this misinformation took place in Poland. In an early-February issue of booklets devoted to the history of Poland and released by the Italian publishing group De Agostini, the table Poznaj fakty (Learn the Facts) included information on “the number of victims in the largest Polish death camps” and “the number of the largest Polish concentration camps.”

The National Remembrance Institute (IPN) reacted immediately, expressing indignation and stating that the issue should be referred to the prosecutor’s office. According to IPN lawyers, the publication breached Article 55 of the IPN Act, concerning punishment for what is known as an “Oświęcim [Auschwitz] lie,” and Article 133 of the Criminal Code regarding public defamation of the Polish nation or state, which is subject to punishment by up to three years of imprisonment.

Many Polish commentators suggest similar steps should be taken with respect to the foreign media. The term “Auschwitz lie” also functions outside of Poland. For the time being, actions taken by Polish diplomats—including a letter of protest from the Polish Embassy in Washington to the NYT editorial office—have produced little effect. Similar letters have been sent to other U.S. newspapers including The Chicago Tribune.

The phrase “Polish death camps” was also used in public last year by British Conservative leader Michael Howard and Canadian TV station CTV News Net. Only many months after the broadcast did the station’s heads admit that the phrase used was unclear and offensive.

The Italian minister for European affairs, Rocco Butiglione, who visited Poland for the January commemorations, was honest about the issue. When asked to comment on an article in Corriere della Sera that mentioned “Polish camps,” he replied: “Well, what can I say? That Italian journalists are infinitely ignorant? If I said that, I’d get bad press from all of them.”

send to a friend	print article